篇一：名人经典演讲稿
名人经典演讲稿
我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意?”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警-察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫-害风暴袭击和警-察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。 Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。
I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."
我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.
我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
【扩展阅读篇】
演讲稿又叫演说词，它是在大会上或其他公开场合发表个人的观点、见解和主张的文稿。演讲稿的好坏直接决
定了演讲的成功与失败。
演讲稿像议论文一样论点鲜明、逻辑性强，但它又不是一般的议论文。它是一种带有宣传性和鼓动性的应用文体，经常使用各种修辞手法和艺术手法，具有较强的感染力。
演讲未必都使用演讲稿，不少著名的演讲都是即兴之作，由别人经过记录流传开来的。但重要的演讲最好还是事先准备好演讲稿，因为演讲稿至少有两个方面的作用：其一，通过对思路的精心梳理，对材料的精心组织，使演讲内容更加深刻和富有条理。其二，可帮助演讲者消除临场紧张、恐惧的心理，增强演讲者的自信心。
演讲稿特点
主要区别
演讲和表演、作文有很大的区别。
首先，演讲是演讲者就人们普遍关注的某种有意义的事物或问题，通过口头语言面对一定场合的听众，直接发表意
见的一种社会活动。
其次，作文是作者通过文章向读者单方面的输出信息，演讲则是演讲者在现场与听众双向交流信息。严格地讲，演讲是演讲者与听众、听众与听众的三角信息交流，演讲者不能以传达自己的思想和情感、情绪为满足，他必须能控制住自己与听众、听众与听众情绪的应和与交流。所以，为演讲准备的稿子就具有以下三个特点：
主要特点
第一、针对性。演讲是一种社会活动，是用于公众场合的宣传形式。它为了以思想、感情、事例和理论来晓喻听众，打动听众，“征服”群众，必须要有现实的针对性。所谓针对性，首先是作者提出的问题是听众所关心的问题，评论和论辨要有雄辩的逻辑力量，要能为听众所接受并心悦诚服，这样，才能起到应有的社会效果;其次是要懂得听众有不同的对象 和不同的层次，而“公众场合”也有不同的类型，如党团集会、专业性会议、服务性俱乐部、 学校、社会团体、宗教团体、各类竞赛场合，写作时要根据不同场合和不同对象，为听众设计不同的演讲内容。
第二、可讲性。演讲的本质在于“讲”，而不在于“演”，它以“讲”为主、以“演”为辅。由于演讲要诉诸口头，拟稿时必须以易说能讲为前提。如果说，有些文章和作品主要通过阅读欣赏，领略其中意义和情味，那么，演讲稿的要求则是“上口入耳”。一篇好的演讲稿对演讲者来说要可讲;对听讲者来说应好听。因此，演讲稿写成之后，作者最好能通过试讲或默念加以检查，凡是讲不顺口或听不清楚之处(如句子过长)，均应修改与调整。
第三、鼓动性。演讲是一门艺术。好的演讲自有一种激发听众情绪、赢得好感的鼓动性。要做到这一点，首先要依靠演讲稿思想内容的丰富、深刻，见解精辟，有独到之处，发人深思，语言表达要形象、生动，富有感染力。如果演讲稿写得平淡无味，毫无新意，即使在现场“演”得再卖力，效果也不会好，甚至相反。
第四、整体性演讲稿并不能独立地完成演讲任务，它只是演讲的一个文字依据，是整个演讲活动的一个组成部分。演讲主体、听众对象、特定的时空条件，
共同构成了演讲活动的整体。撰写演讲稿时，不能将它从整体中剥离出来。为此，演讲稿的撰写要注意以下几个方面：
首先，要根据听众的文化层次、工作性质、生存环境、品位修养、爱好愿望来确立选题，选择表达方式，以便更好地沟通。
其次，演讲稿不仅要充分体现演讲者独到、深刻的观点和见解，而且还要对声调的高低、语速的快慢、体态语的运用进行设计并加以注释，以达到最佳的传播效果。
另外，还要考虑演讲的时间、空间、现场氛围等因素，以强化演讲的现场效果。
第五、口语性
口语性是演讲稿区别于其他书面表达文章和会议文书的重要方面。书面性文章无需多说，其他会议文书如大会工作报告、领导讲话稿等，并不太讲究口语性，虽然由某一领导在台上宣读，但听众手中一般也有一份印制好的讲稿，一边听讲一边阅读，不会有什么听不明白的地方。演讲稿就不同了，它有较多的即兴发挥，不可能事先印好讲稿发给听众。为此，演讲稿必须讲究“上口”和“入耳”。所谓上口，就是讲起来通达流利。所谓入耳，就是听起来非常顺畅，没有什么语言障碍，不会发生曲解。具体要做到：
把长句改成适听的短句;
把倒装句改为常规句;
把听不明白的文言词语、成语加以改换或删去;
把单音节词换成双音节词;
把生僻的词换成常用的词;
把容易误听的词换成不易误听的词。
这样，才能保证讲起来朗朗上口，听起来清楚明白。
第六、临场性
演讲活动是演讲者与听众面对面的一种交流和沟通。听众会对演讲内容及时作出反应：或表示赞同，或表示反对，或饶有兴趣，或无动于衷。演讲者对听众的各种反映不能置之不顾，因此，写演讲稿时，要充分考虑它的临场性，在保证内容完整的前提下，要注意留有伸缩的余地。要充分考虑到演讲时可能出现的种种问题，以及应付各种情况的对策。总之，演讲稿要具有弹性，要体现出必要的控场技巧。
主要功能
第一、“使人知”演讲。这是一种以传达信息、阐明事理为主要功能的演讲。它的目的在于使人知道、明白。如美学家朱光潜的演讲《谈作文》，讲了作文前的准备、文章体裁、构思、选材等，使听众明白了作文的基本知识。它的特点是知识性强，语言准确。
第二、“使人信”演讲。这种演讲的主要目的是使人信赖、相信。它从“使人知”演讲发展而来。如恽代英的演讲《怎样才是好人》，不仅告知人们哪些人不是好人，也提出了三条衡量好人的标准，通过一系列的道理论述，改变了人们以往的旧观念。它的特点是观点独到、正确，论据翔实、确凿，论证合理、严密。
第三、“使人激”演讲。这种演讲意在使听众激动起来，在思想感情上与你产生共鸣，从而欢呼、雀跃。如美国黑人运动领袖马丁.路德.金的《在林肯纪念堂前的演说》，用他的几个“梦想”激发广大的黑人听众的自尊感、自强感，激励他们为“生而平等”而奋斗。
第四、“使人动”演讲。这比“使人激”演讲进了一步，它可使听众产生一种欲与演讲者一起行动的想法。法国前总统戴高乐在二战期间的英国伦敦作的演讲《告法国人民书》，号召法国人民行动起来，投身反法西斯的行列。它的特点是鼓动性强，多以号召、呼吁式的语言结尾。
第五、“使人乐”演讲。这是一种以活跃气氛、调节情绪，使人快乐为主要功能的演讲，多以幽默、笑话或调侃为材料，一般常出现在喜庆的场合。这种演讲的事例很多，人们大都能听到。它的特点是材料幽默，语言诙谐。
篇二：名人经典演讲稿
篇一：世界名人演讲稿
罗斯福：国会珍珠港演讲
mr.vice president,mr.speaker,members of the senate,and of the house of representatives：
yesterday,december 7th,1941--a date which will live in infamy--the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.
it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.during the intervening time,the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost.in addition,american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francis co and honolulu
yesterday,the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya. last night,japanese forces attacked hong kong.
last night,japanese forces attacked guam.
last night,japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.
last night,the japanese attacked wake island.
and thi--orning,the japanese attacked midway island.
japan has,therefore,undertaken asurprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.the people of the united stateshave already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
i believe that iinterpret the will of the congress and of the people when iassert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost,but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that our people,our territory,and our interests are in grave danger.
with confidence in our armed forces,with the unbounding determination of our people,we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us god.
i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday,december 7th,1941,a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.
副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员：
昨天，1941年12月7日——一个遗臭万年的日期——美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海空军蓄谋已久的进攻。
合众国当时同日本处于和平状态，并且，根据日本的请求，当时仍在同该国政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋和平。实际上，就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻合众国大使还向我们的国务卿提交了对合众国最近致日方信函的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。历史将会证明，夏威夷距日本这么遥远，表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。在此期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。昨天
对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人丧失了生命，此外，据报，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁（檀香山）之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。
昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进击。
昨夜，日本军队袭击了香港。
昨夜，日本军队袭击了关岛。
昨夜，日本军队袭击了菲律宾群岛。
昨夜，日本人袭击了威克岛。
今晨，日本人袭击了中途岛。
因此，日本在整个太平洋地区采取了突然地攻势。发生在昨天和今天的事证实了这一点。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。 作为三军总司令，我已指示，采取一切措施保卫我们的国家。
我们整个国家都将永远记住此次对我们进攻的性质。不论要用多长的时间才能战胜此次蓄谋已久的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。
我现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。战争已经开始，无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。
相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心——我们将取得必然的胜利，愿上帝保佑我们！我要求国会宣布：自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，合众国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。林肯：葛底斯堡演讲
but,in alarger sense,we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.the brave men,living and dead,who struggled here,have consecrated it,far above our poor power to add or detract.the world will little note,nor long remember what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us the living,rather,to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.it is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation,under god,shall have anew birth of freedom--and that government of the people,by the people,for the people,shall not perish from the earth.
八十七年之前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且投身给一种理念，即所有人都是小时候起平等的。
时下，我们正在从事一次伟大的内战，我们在磨练，究竟这个国家，或任何一个有这种主张和这种信仰的国家，是否能长久存在。我们在那次战争的一个伟大的战场上集会。我们来到这里，奉献阿谁战场上的一部分土地，作为在此地为阿谁国家的保存而牺牲了自己生命的人的永世眠息之所。我们这样做，是十分合情合理的。
可是，就更深一层意义而言，我们是无从奉献这片土地的--无从使它成为圣地--也不克不及把它变为许多人景仰之所。那些在这里战斗的猛士，活着的和死去的，已使这块土地神圣化了，远非我们的菲薄能力所能左右。世人会半大注意，更不会长久想的起来我们在此地所说的话，然而他们将永远忘不了这些人在这里所做的事。相反，我们活着的人应该投身于那些曾在此作战的许多人所英勇推动而尚未完成的事情。我们应该在此投身于我们面前所留存的伟大事情--由于他们的庆幸牺牲，我们要更坚定地致力于他们曾作最后全数贡献的阿谁事业--我们在此立志宣誓，不克不及让他们白白死去--要使这个国家在天主的保佑之下，获患上
新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致从地球上消失。篇二：影响你一生的名人励志演讲
影响你一生的名人励志演讲(视频+mp3+演讲稿)--英语演讲专题 kira86 于2012-01-11发布 l 已有6383人浏览 我要评论( 0) | 英语专题 | 【字体：小大】 | 我要投稿
女性时尚生活杂志,免费阅读百度搜索原版英语可以找到本站
《影响你一生的名人励志演讲》收录了19篇英语演讲，演讲者来自政治、经济、文化等各个领域。本书共分为五章，分别为国家领袖、政治人物、商界精英、作家记者和娱乐名人。精选出的这些演讲名篇题材涉猎广泛、风格迥异，有的气势恢宏，意蕴精深；有的轻松诙谐，令人捧腹；有的言辞恳切，语重心长。它们都有一个共同点：演讲者或立足于时代背景下或从个人自身经历出发，鼓舞人奋发向上、积极进取，做出个人应有的成绩，为时代、为国家做贡献。本书配有原版音频，让你最近距离感受这些最具影响力的声音。
国家领袖
梦想与责任——巴拉克·奥巴马 （>>查看演讲视频及双语演讲稿）
and even when you’re struggling, even when you’re discouraged, and you feel like other people have given up on you, don’t ever give up on yourself, because when you give up on yourself, you give up on your country. 即使当你苦苦挣扎、灰心丧气、感到其他人对你放弃时，也不要放弃自己，因为当你放弃自己时，你也抛弃了自己的国家。 must be strong
我们必须强大——威廉·杰斐逊·克林顿
the only thing we have to fear is fear itself
我们唯一害怕的是害怕本身——富兰克林·罗斯福（>>查看演讲音频及演讲稿中英对照）
the only thing we have to fear is fear itself — nameless, ueasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.我们唯一害怕的 是害怕本身——这种难以名状、失去理智和毫无道理的恐惧，把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
i am prepared to die for an ideal
为理想我愿献出生命——纳尔逊·曼德拉 （>>查看演讲音频及演讲稿中英对照） i have fought against white domination, and i have fought against black domination. i have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony with equal opportunities. it is an ideal which i hope to live for and to see realized. but if needs be, it is an ideal for which i am prepared to die.
我反对白人统治，也反对黑人统治。我珍视民主和自由社会的理想，在这个社会中，人人和睦相处，机会均等。我希望为这个理想而生，并希望能实现这个理想。但是如果需要，为理想我愿献出生命。
we choose to go to the moon （>>查看演讲视频及英文演讲稿）
我们选择登月——约翰·肯尼迪
the greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.我们学到的知识越多，认识到的无知就越多。
never tiring, never yielding, never finishing
永不疲惫，永不气馁，永不完竭——乔治·布什
never tiring, never yielding, neverfinishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
永 不疲惫，永不气馁，永不完竭，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、 更加慷慨，去体现我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
政治人物
i have a dream （>>查看演讲音频及英文演讲稿）
我有一个梦想——马丁·路德·金
let us not wallow in the valley of despair, i say to you today, my friends. and so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, i still have a dream. it is a dream deeply rooted in the american dream.朋友们，今天我要对你们说，千万不要沉沦在绝望的深谷里。尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦想。这个梦想深深植根于美国梦之中。
i quit, but i will continue the fight
我放弃了，但我会继续战斗——希拉里·克林顿
on the day we live in an america where no child, no man, and no woman is without health insurance, we will live in a stronger america. that’s why we need to help elect barack obama our president. 当我们有朝一日居住在一个让每个孩子、每个男人、每个女人都享有医疗保障的美国时，我们便拥有了一个更强大的美国。这就是为什么我们要帮助巴拉克·奥巴马竞选总统职位。
building the foundations for success
为成功做好准备——安妮·德·萨里斯
knowing who we are and being confident enough to do what matters to us — that’s
what counts. 了解自己，满怀自信，做好我们认为重要的事情，这才是最重要的。 let’s elect barack obama president of usa
让我们选举巴拉克·奥巴马为美利坚合众国总统——米歇尔·奥巴马
商界精英
unleashing your creativity （>>查看演讲稿中英文对照）
释放你的创造力——比尔·盖茨
and i believe that through our natural inventiveness, creativity and willingness to solve tough problems, were going to make some amazing achievements in all these areas in my lifetime.我相信，凭借人类与生俱来的发明创造能力和不畏艰难、坚韧不拔 的品格，在我的有生之年里我们将在所有这些领域都创造出可喜的成就。
grab your dreams when it shows up
当梦想来临时抓住它——拉里·佩奇
overall, i know it seems like the world is crumbling out there, but it is actually a great time in your life to get a little crazy, follow your curiosity, and be ambitious about it. dont give up on your dreams. the world needs you all!总而言之，我知道这个世界看起来已支离破碎，但这确实是你们人生中一个伟大的时代，你们可以疯狂一点，追随你们的好奇心，积极进取。不要放弃梦想。世界需要你们。
we are what we choose （>>查看演讲稿视频及双语演讲稿）
选择塑造人生——杰夫·贝索斯
cleverness is a gift, kindness is a choice. gifts are easy — theyre given after all. choices can be hard. you can seduce yourself with your gifts if youre not careful, and if you do, itll probably be to the detriment of your choices.聪明是一种天赋，而善良是 一种选择。天赋得来很容易——毕竟它们与生俱来。而选择却颇为艰难。如果一不
小心， 你可能被天赋所诱惑，这可能会损害到你做出的选择。
作家记者
the spirit of man
人类的精神——威廉·福克纳
tribute to diana （>>查看英文演讲稿）
致戴安娜——查尔斯·斯宾塞
在全世界，戴安娜是同情心、责任心、风度和美丽的化身，是无私和人道的象征，是维护真正被践踏的权益的旗手，是一个超越国界的英国女孩，是一个带有自然的高贵气质的人，是一个不分阶层的人。
follow your bliss, follow your heart（>>查看演讲音频及英文演讲稿） 追随你的幸福,倾听你的心声——安德森·库珀
but it actually was the best thing that ever happened to me. i decided that if no one would give me a chance, i’d have to take a chance, and if no one would give me an opportunity, i would have to create my own opportunity.但这次失败却成了我人生中最有价值的经历。我下定决心，如果没人给我机会，我就自己寻找机会；如果没人给我机会，我就自己创造机会。
娱乐名人failure is an option, but fear is not（>>查看演讲视频及演讲稿中英双语对照）
失败是一个选项，但畏惧不是——詹姆斯·卡梅隆
so, thats the thought i would leave you with, is that in whatever youre doing, failure is an option, but fear is not.
所以，这是我想给你的想法，不管你做什么，失败是 一个选项，但畏惧不是。
feelings, failure and finding happiness (点我去查看奥普拉演讲视频和双语演讲稿) 感觉、失败及寻找幸福——奥普拉·温弗瑞
——美国著名电视节目主持人奥普拉·温弗瑞2008年在斯坦福大学毕业典礼上发表的演讲 外国名人的演讲稿
asking the devotees of civil rights, when will you be
satisfied? we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negros basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousnelike a mighty stream.
出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。
but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the proceof gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterneand hatred.
但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。
we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.
篇三：名人演讲稿
Richard M. Nixon
The Great Silent Majority
delivered 3 November 1969
演讲者简介：理查德·米尔豪斯·尼克松(Richard Milhous Nixon，1913年1月9日-1994年4月22日)，第36任美国副总统(1953年-1961年)与第37任美国总统(1969年-1974年)。尼克松是美国史上唯一当过两届总统与两届副总统的人，但也是唯一于在位期间，以辞职的方式离开总统职位的美国总统。演讲背景介绍：1969年，美国深陷越南战争的泥潭，为了应付国内国外的压力弄的焦头烂额。在越南，美军损兵折将，而在国内，反战运动风起云涌(看过《阿甘正传》的应该对反战运动的“盛况”有所认识)。越战这个烫手的山芋于是如同现在的伊拉克一般，成了食之无味而弃之可惜的鸡肋。当时的美国总统尼克松为了应对危局，在国内寻求广泛的人民的首肯，提出了“沉默的大多数”这个说法。
尼克松说，那些站出来游行示威、强烈反对越战、甚至攻击警察机关的人们，虽然显得声势浩大，但实际上却并非是多数，而绝大多数美国人的声音却被这些激进的呼喊所掩盖;绝大多数美国人都是爱国的，不希望国家走入颓势，只是种种原因，他们并未站出来表达自己的意见，而是处于沉默状态。
虽然，也有批评人士认为这是尼克松为自己的越战政策涂脂抹粉。但他们也不得不承认，尼克松的这番话还真取得了不俗的效果，听过其演说的人，对他的支持率将近八成，而随后1972年的大选，尼克松以压倒性的胜利获得连任，也不能不提这“沉默的大多数”的功劳。
Good evening, my fellow Americans.
晚上好!亲爱的同胞们：
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.
今晚，我想与各位探讨一个问题，这是所有美国人和全球无数人所深切关注的一个问题——越南战争。
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people
cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.
我认为，在关于越南战争一事上，大家的观点出现了严重分歧的一个重要原因在于：很多美国民众对我们的政府所宣扬的政策已失去了信心。当前情况下，除非美国人民真正认清政策本质，否则不能也不应该被要求去支持涉及战争与和平等重大问题的政策。
Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.
所以，今晚，我想借此机会回答一些问题，一些萦绕在你们许多人脑海中的问题。
How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?
What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and on the battlefront in Vietnam?
What choices do we have if we are to end the war?
What are the prospects for peace?
Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on January 20: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training
program for the South Vietnamese was beyond [behind] schedule. Five hundred and forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.
The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friends, as well as our enemies, abroad.
In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged that I end the war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the
peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: This was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.
But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.
Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?
Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: Why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet Union, launched a campaign to impose a
Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and
supporting a revolution.
In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts to prevent a
Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send
American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.
But the question facing us today is: Now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?
In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then
murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.
We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.
With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.
For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.
Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.
In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said,
"We want to see a stable Government there," carrying on the [a] struggle to maintain its national independence." We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there."President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.
For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of
worlds conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.
For these reasons I rejected the recommendation that I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war fought on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech
《名人演讲稿》出自：百味书屋
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